I firmly believe in a European deposit guarantee scheme – but with uniform rules of the game for all. What it cannot be is a European pot that is used according to national rules. I would say: The ones who pay are the ones who set the rules of the game.
Ms König, coalition talks are currently in
progress in Berlin. What expectations do you have of the new federal
government – for example on the subject of the Banking Union, which is
also important for the SRB?
I hope we will keep the completion of the Banking
Union on the agenda and continue to push ahead, even if at least one of
the future coalition partners has so far been rather sceptical of the
issue.
You mean the FDP.
However, progress in the Banking Union does not
depend solely on the German side. In Germany, the European deposit
insurance scheme (EDIS) is certainly a hot topic – even if there are a
lot of false fears here.
What do you mean by that?
In my opinion, a few issues are mixed up in the
debate on EDIS. No one wants to get their hands on the money in the
private German deposit guarantee system. Nobody is putting an axe to the
security systems of the cooperative banks or the savings banks. This
is about the statutory deposit guarantee, and the savings banks must now
build it up, following the compromise they have reached with the ECB.
The cooperative banks have already built it up. I think the discussion
here is moving back and forth between real issues and emotions. And, of
course, it cannot be detached from the harmonisation of the insolvency
rules for banks.
Why is the issue of insolvency rules so important to you?
I firmly believe in a European deposit guarantee
scheme – but with uniform rules of the game for all. What it cannot be
is a European pot that is used according to national rules. I would say:
The ones who pay are the ones who set the rules of the game. And there
must be clear European rules on this one. Nevertheless, to simply say
that the Europeans want to use EDIS to get their hands on the German
deposit guarantee scheme is a bit short-sighted.
But is it not the case that European rules
have long existed in theory, but in practice, as soon as it comes to the
resolution of a bank, special national leeway is regularly granted and
precautionary recapitalisation is declared?
It’s even more complicated than that. Insolvency
rules in Europe are not harmonised. Insolvency law is purely national
law. In the EU, however, harmonisation of the deposit guarantee rules
has been put on top of that. And the legislator has put a uniform
European resolution law on top of the colourful carpet of national
systems. Of course, in the case of Banco Popular in 2017, we have
already demonstrated that the European resolution regime is working. On
the other hand, there have also been creative national solutions in
parallel, and not only in Italy.
Nord/LB has been recapitalised and in Italy
Monte dei Paschi could be expensive for the taxpayers following the
transfer of the Venetian people’s banks to Banca Intesa in 2017.
I will not comment on the situation of individual banks.
Nevertheless, the question is pressing: where do you see room for improvement in the current regulations?
It is fair to say that we have put into effect the
resolution regime with its bail-in rules at a time when the banks had
not yet built up the capital needed to do so. And so far, we have not
managed to anchor the system in such a way that insolvency – that is, a
very deep bail-in – is compared with resolution. The debate is still
about a bail-out as a perceived alternative. The European Commission’s
banking communication from 2013 is still in force, although it also
requires a partial bail-in, but it otherwise follows different rules of
the game from our system.
That hasn’t changed in the meantime?
Not to this day. Now we want to link changes with
the introduction of the new crisis management framework, which is being
discussed in the context of the Banking Union (the crisis management and
deposit insurance framework). We have to tackle the issue, because
otherwise we will always have a situation where the incentive systems
are not the same. What is less painful when a bank gets into a trouble: a
bail-in that annoys many people, or a bail-out that taxpayers may
quickly forget about? I would still say that the bail-out is the worst
of all solutions, because it must be paid for by the young generation in
the future and the resolution regime has just been created to prevent
this.
What exactly is this new crisis management about?
The first is to get a solid, unified solution for
all depositors in the banking union. Secondly, the rules on insolvency
must be harmonised throughout Europe. Personally, I do not I think I
will see a major insolvency law reform in my lifetime. But perhaps
specific rules can be established for financial institutions only.
Overall, it is complicated because many issues are interrelated in the
crisis framework. The reduction of the risks from distressed loans plays
a role here, as does the handling of sovereign debt, i.e. banks’
exposure to the respective Member State or other states. However, we
need to make progress here and complete the banking union, also in order
to have a single European banking market in the end. Unfortunately, we
have less of a European market today than before the financial crisis,
because many banks have withdrawn internationally. But you can only have
really strong European banks if you have a single European market.
Why are they important?
A few strong European banks are already doing well
for an industrial-state association like the EU. Otherwise, you would
ultimately always have to be dependent on American banks for certain
things. In which EU country a strong bank would be based is not really a
concern to me.
What role does the Single Resolution Board
actually play in the discussion about a new crisis management system and
a possibly closer link between supervision, resolution and deposit
guarantee? Do you hope that the SRB will be given additional powers?
The moment we start talking about what the SRB
could do, any proposal would be dead, because it would immediately be
said that we simply want to strengthen our own authority. However,
Deutsche Bank CEO Christian Sewing recently said that a deposit
guarantee institution modelled on the US FDIC would suit us well in
Europe....
more at SRB
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