The EU has established a Just Transition Fund to help support regions and sectors that face socio-economic challenges during the transition to climate neutrality. Anna Kyriazi and Joan Miró explain how the ... its role in highlighting the social policy implications of pursuing a green transition.
Climate change poses the greatest existential threat to organised
human existence. Tackling it requires urgent and wide-ranging social and
political change. However, deep decarbonisation can only be viable and
legitimate if it is socially fair. In other words, it cannot (only)
constitute an additional burden for workers, households, and consumers,
but rather it should be an opportunity to generate shared and inclusive
prosperity.
In 2019 the European Commission launched the European Green Deal,
envisaging nearly 50 initiatives to ensure the green transition.
Acknowledging that efforts to tackle climate change need to be socially
legitimate, the Green Deal aims to assuage some of the painful social
consequences of the transition by creating a Just Transition Fund (JTF) and a Social Climate Fund.
While the first will channel €17.5 billion to the regions and sectors
most affected by decarbonisation, the second, still in its first
legislative steps and with a proposed €72.2 billion capacity, aims to
tame the detrimental distributional effects of the new EU Emissions
Trading Scheme. Both instruments will be operative until 2027.
As we argue in a new study,
the Just Transition Fund is an intriguing innovation that highlights
the limits and possibilities of the current politics of climate change.
Adding a social dimension to the energy transition is not a given and
history provides examples of environmentally beneficial but socially
regressive transitions. Indeed, when in 2018 the EU set its climate
objectives for 2030, little consideration was given to social policy
implications. At the same time, redistributive instruments are rarely
adopted in the EU due to their politically charged character. How, then,
did the Just Transition Fund come to be?
Agenda-setting
No social condition, however important or severe, automatically
becomes a political problem without being constructed as such by actors
pursuing certain interests and goals. Additionally, the issue of climate
change is especially hard to recognise as an urgent political problem
because of its slow and cumulative character and therefore it is likely
to generate policy procrastination.
Despite this, a major change occurred in 2018-19, driven mainly by
the persistent and massive mobilisation of civil society actors. Three
social movements stand out in particular: Extinction Rebellion, the Yellow Vests in France, and the youth movement Fridays for Future.
The three movements, very different in their social bases, claims and
actions, highlighted different aspects of the climate challenge
emergency, but their joint effect was to call unprecedented attention to
it.
At the time, European publics were also increasingly turning their
attention to climate related issues as well as becoming more supportive
of the EU taking the lead in solving such problems. It is also worth
remembering that 2019 was the year of the European Parliament elections,
when Green parties increased their vote share compared to 2014. The
incoming Commission led by Ursula von der Leyen was seeking a new
political programme and legitimating narrative, which it found in the
ambitious project of the Green New Deal.
The first explicit demand for a fund to assuage some of the painful
consequences of the energy transition came in 2018 from a highly
influential conservative Polish politician, Jerzy Buzek. The idea was
for this fund to focus on coal regions and thus to be a targeted measure
for Eastern and Central European states which are more reliant on coal
and tend to have weaker economies than other member states. During 2019,
the proposal reappeared in discussions regarding the EU’s long-term
climate objectives, as Eastern European actors demanded financial
assistance to be able to implement these objectives. In this context,
the potential for a trade-off arose: climate laggards would sign off on
the objectives in exchange for compensation funds.
Nevertheless, the June 2019 European Council failed to agree on a
landmark climate strategy for 2050, as the leaders of the Czech
Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, and Romania continued to oppose it,
demanding detailed pledges for funds for the countries undergoing the
transition. Other member states, such as Spain, which had already
undertaken substantial energy transitions in the preceding years, were
wary about the idea of paying others for their decarbonisation when they
had received no such support beforehand.
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