While many economists are in favour of carbon taxation, the public often opposes this climate policy. This column uses data from a survey of 3,000 people in France to show that rejection of a carbon tax is driven by pessimistic beliefs regarding the properties of the tax.
Even when revenues from the tax are
redistributed to households so as to make the policy progressive, most
people think that they and low-income households would lose out, and
that the policy would not be effective at reducing emissions. Public
investments and standards could help foster support for an ambitious
climate policy.
While 5,000 economists called for the rapid development of carbon taxation in the US and in Europe,1 the
public often opposes this climate policy (Carattini et al 2018, Klenert
and Hepburn 2018). In France, the government abandoned its plan for an
ambitious carbon tax trajectory following the protests of the ‘yellow
vests’.2
Why do citizens
often oppose carbon taxation? Two common explanations are that citizens
refuse to bear the full costs of climate change mitigation for lack of
altruism, or that they disagree with the way those costs are
distributed. In a new paper (Douenne and Fabre 2022), we argue that a
third mechanism may come into play — even when people are expected to
benefit from carbon taxation, pessimistic beliefs about the effect of
the policy could lead them to oppose it. It is not intuitive that people
could benefit from carbon taxation. Actually, carbon taxation alone is
generally regressive because poorer households spend on average a larger
share of their income on polluting goods. Yet, since they spend less on
these goods than richer households in absolute terms, it is sufficient
to transfer the proceeds of the tax as a uniform transfer (a policy
known as a carbon tax and dividend) to design a progressive policy and
make a majority of people better-off (Pizer and Sexton 2019, Douenne
2020, Paoli and van der Ploeg 2021).
Pessimistic beliefs and public support for carbon taxation
We assess attitudes
towards a carbon tax and dividend in France during the yellow vests
movement. We created a survey administered over 3,000 respondents
representative of the French population in February/March 2019. We
presented to respondents a budget-neutral €50/tCO2 carbon tax
and dividend policy, with information on the effect on energy prices
(e.g. +€0.11 per litre of gasoline) and the transfer that each household
would receive (€110/year for each adult). We find that people largely
reject this proposal — only 10% of our survey respondents approve, while
70% do not accept the reform. This level of rejection is very high
compared to what has been measured before or after the yellow vests
movement, where about half of the population is found to accept an
unspecified increase in the carbon tax (ADEME 2020). Thus, a first
insight from our survey is that public opinion can be very volatile and
strongly reacts to contemporary events.
Figure 1 CDF of objective (dark blue) versus subjective (orange) net gains from our tax and dividend
Note:
Dashed blue lines represent distributions of objective gains in the
extreme case of totally inelastic expenditures. Vertical dotted orange
lines show the limits of intervals answers of subjective gains.
We then show that
people hold pessimistic beliefs about the policy. Using household budget
survey data, we estimate that 70% of households would benefit
financially from the policy (see the solid blue line in Figure 1). In
our own survey experiment, we ask respondents to estimate their expected
gain or loss from the reform (we proceed step by step, asking
separately for the impact on their heating and transport expenditures).
Only 14% think that their household would benefit from the reform. This
pessimism cannot be explained by an ignorance of price elasticities, as
respondents correctly estimate them in another question, and the gap
between perceived and actual net gains would still be too large if
respondents assumed that their expenditures were inelastic. Similarly,
respondents are pessimistic about the distributional and environmental
effects of the policy. Only 20% believe that the policy would benefit
poorer households and 17% think that the policy would be effective in
reducing polluting and fighting climate change.
We also find that
the more people are opposed to the policy, the more pessimistic they
are, and that the causality between beliefs and opposition runs both
ways. On the one hand, when provided with new information about the
policy, people discard positive news but correctly process negative
ones. This phenomenon is stronger for people who initially oppose the
policy or who feel close to the yellow vests, which is consistent with
the endogenous formation of beliefs through motivated reasoning. In
other words, the less people like the policy, the less likely they are
to assimilate positive information about it. On the other hand, our
survey design enables us to show that beliefs also causally determine
support for the policy. When convinced that they would gain financially,
people’s likelihood of accepting the policy increases by 50 percentage
points. Similarly, the likelihood of supporting it is 40 percentage
points higher when people are convinced that the policy would
effectively reduce emissions.
Vox
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