While an unattractive interest rate or a quantity ceiling may limit the demand for retail CBDC and the transfer of risk to the central bank, these mechanisms would – as Gresham’s law teaches us – undermine the use of CBDC as a medium of exchange. Retail CBDC could thus miss its intended purpose.
The decline in the use of cash, the
economy’s increasing reliance on electronic payment systems and advances
in new technologies, such as distributed ledger technology (DLT), have
prompted central banks and international financial institutions to
explore the pros and cons of central bank digital currency available to
the public (retail central bank digital currency, CBDC, henceforth).2
In a world where everything is becoming digital, the digitisation of
banknotes could almost seem banal. And yet this could have severe
consequences for the banking system. Indeed, the substitution of CBDC,
free of credit risk, for risky bank deposits could lead to a significant
transfer of credit risk from commercial banks to the central bank. It
thus seems sensible to limit the demand for and supply of CBDC in order
to limit this transfer of risk. The central bank could do this by
applying an unattractive interest rate to CBDC, or by setting an
individual quantity ceiling for CBDC holdings.
These mechanisms, however, are likely to
undermine the demand for CBDC as a medium of exchange and thus the
achievement of the intended purposes for issuing CBDC.
In this article, after describing the
main purposes for issuing a CBDC, we explain how the unlimited provision
of CBDC leads to a transfer of credit risk to the central bank. We then
show how mechanisms to limit the demand for and supply of CBDC
undermine the intended purposes of issuing a CBDC.
Purposes of issuing a retail CBDC
An array of arguments has been made for
CBDC issuance (BIS 2020). The main purposes can be regrouped under three
headings: 1) providing the public with a digital central bank money as
the use of cash is declining; 2) improving the resilience of digital
payments by providing a back-up system; and 3) promoting diversity and
sovereignty in payment systems.
On the first argument, Ingves (2018)
made the case for an e-krona in Sweden as a way to provide the public
with central bank money, as the use of banknotes is in decline. Since a
bank deposit is a claim against the commercial bank payable in central
bank money on demand, public access to central bank money is a
prerequisite for the enforcement of the deposit claim. Without public
access to central bank money, the bank’s contractual obligation to
redeem deposits in central bank money is impossible to fulfil. Thus, if
the use of banknotes declines, CBDC could substitute for cash in this
role of providing public access to central bank money.
On the second, the issuance of CBDC may
improve the resilience of the payment system. CBDC could serve as a
back-up emergency medium of exchange in the event of a disruption to the
current electronic banking system. Such a back-up would be superior to
cash in terms of speed, convenience and ease of emergency distribution.
On the third, the diversity and
sovereignty argument for CBDC relies on its potential to mitigate the
anti-competitive effects of some financial innovations. The economies of
scale and network effects that could arise with the adoption of new
technologies (DLT, big data, and artificial intelligence among them)
would tend to foster concentration and work against competitive
provision of financial services and of payment systems in particular. As
a result, payment systems today are highly concentrated in a few large
companies that dominate electronic payment networks, and the importance
of electronic payments will further grow with the rise of online
commerce. By providing a generally accessible alternative medium of
exchange, CBDC would make for increased contestability and diversity in
payment systems.
Moreover, if an economy depends heavily
on payment systems that are in the hands of foreign companies and
regulated by foreign authorities, its sovereignty is at stake. CBDC
would be a means of ensuring the sovereignty of at least one electronic
payment system as it is issued by the domestic central bank.
Implications for the conduct of monetary policy and the related risk transfer
How would the issuance of a CBDC
influence the conduct of monetary policy? The challenge of issuing CBDC
in the current monetary system stems from the transfer of risk from
commercial banks to the central bank. This risk transfer comes from the
coexistence of two kinds of money, i.e., central bank money and bank
deposits.
As its name suggests, central bank money
is issued by the central bank and consists of cash (banknotes), sight
deposits that commercial banks hold at the central bank (reserves), and,
potentially, CBDC. Importantly, central bank money is an economic good
free of credit risk, unredeemable, as it embodies no credit claim
against anyone. Of course, central bank money is not free of valuation
risk with respect to domestic goods (i.e., inflation) or foreign
currencies (i.e., depreciation).
In contrast, bank deposits are claims
issued by commercial banks redeemable on demand in central bank money.
Redemption can be made in cash, possibly in CBDC, or by transferring
client deposits and thus reserves to another bank. Because their
redemption depends on the solvency of the issuing bank, deposits carry a
credit risk. They are, however, not (or less) subject to the risk of
loss or theft and more convenient to make payments than cash.
How would the demand for CBDC affect the
money market? When non-banks request redemption of their deposits in
cash or in CBDC, the reserves held by banks with the central bank
decrease, which affects money market conditions differently depending on
whether excess reserves are small or large. The amount of reserves that
banks hold in excess of what is legally required (minimum reserve
requirement) or of what banks voluntarily demand for their liquidity
management determines the impact of reserve fluctuations on the money
market.
When excess reserves are small, the
decline in banks’ reserves following an increase in the demand for cash
or CBDC by the public leads to tighter money market conditions and
higher short-term interest rates. To prevent an undesired tightening of
monetary conditions, the central bank needs to accommodate this demand
with a corresponding increase in banks’ reserves. This accommodation
implies an expansion of the central bank’s balance sheet and, thereby, a
transfer of risk to the central bank. Moreover, if the central bank
expands its balance sheet by lending against collateral, the choice of
the portfolio of eligible collateral will shape the allocation of bank
lending in the economy.
When excess reserves are large, the
decline in banks’ reserves does not lead to tighter money market
conditions and higher short-term interest rates. Thus, the central bank
does not have to accommodate the demand for cash or CBDC by non-banks to
maintain its monetary policy stance. However, because banks’ excess
reserves decline, the central bank loses its ability to reduce
subsequently its balance sheet and the risk associated with it in case
this becomes necessary. Large excess reserves are the result of previous
increases in the central bank’s balance sheet. By reducing excess
reserves, the redemption of deposits into cash or CBDC “locks in” the
risk on the central bank’s balance sheet...
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