Barring a major effort, the EU is on track to being marginalized!
The events unfolding under our
eyes, and whose roots reach back over the last several decades, are questioning the
foundations of the EU which have been the focal point around which European
society has coalesced since WWII.
Firmly scotched to the USA
during the reconstruction period and benefitting from its benign protection
against the spread of communism, European nations favored building regimes
emphasizing a welfare State and to a greater or lesser extent wealth
redistribution, at the expense of their economic, monetary, defense and finally
political autonomy, these aspects being clearly closely interconnected.
Up until the introduction of
the Single Currency, the EU created the illusion of being in the process of
establishing itself as a “great power”, replacing the USSR on the geopolitical
stage dominated by the United States, prior to the emergence of the Chinese
challenge. The enlargement in the early 2000’s from 15 to 28 Members reinforced
this perception. Simultaneously, the participation of the U.K. and France to
the club of “nuclear” powers together with their veto power at the U.N.
Security Council, remnants of circumstances now obsolete, perpetuated the
double illusion that these countries retained their status of “global powers”
and that – by osmosis – a similar recognition was granted to the EU.
At present the unforeseeable combination
over a short time span of several factors, including the pandemic, exploding
inequalities, Brexit, the Trump presidency and Biden’s election, are important
markers which challenge the viability of a rational narrative underpinning the
EU, supposed to allow its citizens to enjoy economic prosperity, military
security and their aspiration to political independence, while sharing common
values of freedom, democracy and protection of human rights.
The pandemic has revealed the
existence of both contradictory and irreconcilable demands: on the one hand the
necessity of worldwide cooperation, illustrated by the remarkable success of
the development of a vaccine, while, on the other hand, controversies relating
to its distribution were creating protectionist barriers, incompatible with the aim of eradicating the
virus. Similarly, the logic of a globalisation, relying essentially on relative
production cost competition, revealed an unacceptable degree of dependence on
the access to strategic supplies as well as the damage to the environment (long
distance transport) or the vulnerability of logistics (blockage of the Suez
canal). Furthermore, the necessary huge additional financing needs stemming
from the pandemic would have been out of reach without the capacity enjoyed by
the largest economies with the support of their respective Central Banks and who’s
so far unlimited interventions are not without creating severe risks for the
stability of the international financial system.
While the consideration of these problems appears to
create a consensus on the need for a coordinated response at EU level, (the
cost of research, production and distribution being out of reach for each individual
Member State), a counter trend aiming at reinforcing the powers of national
governments (border controls, mobility restrictions, health management) is only
raising further obstacles to efforts aiming at further European integration
such as completing EMU, implementing the €750 billion Stimulus Plan or
furthering cooperation in the fields of defence, foreign policy, taxation, etc.
This drawing apart of the economic and political
logics presiding over the European construct finds also its expression in the
marginalization of the EU in the confrontation developing between the U.S. and
China for world leadership. The Union lacks cruelly of a credible military
establishment in support of its political autonomy. It is subject to being
humiliated diplomatically by Russia and Turkey, largely because of the internal competition waged by MS
between themselves and with the European Institutions that are supposed to
represent them. On the monetary front, the € figures less and less as a
credible alternative to the $ whose exorbitant
privilege is reinforcing itself and to which the Renminbi, over time, appears
to be the most dangerous rival. Furthermore, with a rapidly expanding economy,
India is emerging as the key power capable of arbitrating between the American
and Chinese ambitions in the Asia-Pacific area while the EU, riddled with unrealistic
visions of sovereignty among its Members, is faced with the choice of being a
passive spectator or yielding to the pressure emanating from its American
master.
The recent proposal made by Janet Yellen, the American
Secretary to the Treasury, concerning a uniform minimum corporate tax rate for international
companies, coming on the heels of massive stimulus and investment programs, constitutes
an emblematic element of the policies of the new Biden administration. It
accompanies a reversal in the forty year old trend towards lower levels of taxation,
aiming in particular at the wealthiest segment of the population. This surprising
and unexpected reversal must still overcome numerous obstacles domestically,
where the ideological battle between Republicans and Democrats is far from
decided.
Whatever happens, this proposal will constitute a
major challenge for the unity of the EU because the opposition of the Trump administration
to the taxation of the GAFAs can no longer serve as a smokescreen hiding the MS
internal disagreements. In particular the MS will have to confront the removal
of rule of unanimity in fiscal matters (and in the other areas where it
applies) if one wishes to give this radical proposal a chance of being
implemented. It would eliminate, at the stroke of a pen, a lot of the attractions
of tax havens and limit the scope of tax competition, sensible objectives but
infringing on many very particular and private interests.
The European response will be a decisive marker
leading either to the further and ever closer integration of the Union together
with the affirmation of its power, or, to the contrary, to a reinforcing of centipede
forces which will inevitably lead to the dismemberment of the Union and to the
confirmation of the relegation of its main Members to a status of secondary
powers. Time is short between the hoped for exit of the pandemic and key
elections taking place in Germany and France. The future of the Union must
become the central plank of the polls and the debate should extend to EU as a
whole which cannot afford to stand by watching a possible lurch of one of its
founding members towards a “euro-sceptical” regime which would paralyse the
Union prior to ensuring its demise.
A deliberate effort to make use of the platform
offered by the forthcoming Conference on the future of the EU could form the
base of a massive campaign to promote the added value of the Union as many
citizens have come to realize during the pandemic. It is of paramount
importance not to fall into the trap of appeasement by sheer laziness or to be
seduced by the economic successes of a number of autocratic regimes which,
transposed to the EU within a context of exacerbated inequalities, can rapidly
compromise the exercise of the basic freedoms for which we have fought so hard.
Paul Goldschmidt
© Paul Goldschmidt
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