Nobel Laureate Robert Mundell passed away on 4 April 2021... Mundell highlighted the difficult tradeoffs in creating a currency area and cmae to be seen as the father of both supply-side economics and the euro.
In this
column, Paul Krugman describes the evolution of Mundell’s contribution
to economic thought and policy, from his early pathbreaking models that
remain the foundation of modern international macroeconomics to his
later views that were more controversial and less influential in the
profession. He also offers an explanation of how the man who brought
Keynesian analysis to the open economy and highlighted the difficult
tradeoffs in creating a currency area could come to be seen as the
father of both supply-side economics and the euro.
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The opening sentence of Robert Mundell’s 1963 paper “Capital mobility
and stabilization policy under fixed and flexible exchange rates” — one
of the two most influential in a series of pathbreaking papers he
published in the late 1950s and early 1960s — is curious: “The world is
still a closed economy, but its regions and countries are becoming
increasingly open.”
“Still”? Was Mundell thinking of a future with interplanetary trade, so that eventually the world as a whole wouldn’t
be a closed economy? OK, he probably wasn’t, but if he was, it would
have been in character. Mundell, who passed away on 4 April, was an
economist ahead of his time.
Specifically, those seminal papers were written in an era when many
of the restrictions imposed on international transactions during the
Depression and WWII were still in place. Britain’s foreign exchange
controls persisted until Margaret Thatcher came to power; France didn’t
abolish its controls until 1989. Yet in those papers Mundell envisaged a
world with high mobility of capital and perhaps other factors of
production; indeed, his stabilisation paper made the strategic
assumption of perfect capital mobility, with money flowing instantly to
equalise rates of return across countries.
And over the decades that followed, as capital flows surged and fixed
exchange rates gave way to floating rates, Mundell’s work provided an
essential guide.
In what follows, I’ll try to explain Mundell’s contribution to economic thought and policy.
Let me admit from the outset that the trajectory of Mundell’s ideas
makes this a tricky project. Most of his influence within the economics
profession comes from a handful of brilliant papers written when he was
very young; most of his public prominence came from arguments he made
later in his career, which often seemed to conflict with his earlier
work.
Now, great economists often change their views over time, as they
should when new information arrives. Mundell, however, changed his whole
intellectual style; if you were to read his Nobel lecture without
knowing who wrote it, you might never have guessed that it was the same
man who devised those crisp little models several decades earlier.
But let me begin with those models, which remain the foundation of modern international macroeconomics.
Loonie tunes
When Mundell was awarded the Nobel Prize, I was among a number of
economists who noted that his most influential work seemed inspired by
Canadian experience. In retrospect I may have understated the case: the
Canadian model arguably underlay all three of Mundell’s key
contributions to international macroeconomics.
As I already pointed out, in the late 1950s and early 1960s capital
movements were in general circumscribed by extensive controls. Yet
Mundell found it useful to posit a world of perfect capital mobility,
partly for analytical clarity, but also because it was “a stereotype
towards which international financial relations seem to be heading.” And
Canada, “whose financial markets are dominated to a great degree by the
vast New York market,” was, he suggested, already pretty much there.
It seems plausible, then, to guess that Canadian experience
contributed to Mundell’s consistent early focus on the role of capital
mobility, and factor mobility in general, in the international economy.
This focus was already apparent in 1957 when he published “International
trade and factor mobility”, a still widely read paper arguing that
trade could substitute for factor movements and vice versa.
Canada’s openness to capital flows wasn’t its only distinctive
feature. In a world of fixed though adjustable exchange rates, it stood
out for having spent an extended period allowing the loonie — the
Canadian dollar — to float freely, something it had to do if it was to
have any monetary independence. Surely this distinctive Canadian
experience helps explain why Mundell focused so early on macroeconomic
policy under a floating-rate regime, which was academic speculation for
most countries at the time but lived reality for his home nation.
And Canada’s decision to let the loonie float also offered a concrete
example of the Impossible Trinity implied by his 1963 paper. A country
can’t have free movement of capital, a fixed exchange rate, and
effective monetary policy – it must choose two out of the three.
There was also one more thing about Mundell’s home nation that was
special in the 1960s and that remains special today — the country’s
unusual economic geography. Although Canada’s land area is huge, its
climate ensures that the vast bulk of its population lives in a fairly
narrow but very long strip just north of the US border; Vancouver and
Toronto are 2,000 miles apart. Canada is in effect closer to the US than
it is to itself.
Canadian geography clearly influenced Mundell’s vision in the 1961
paper that rivals his stabilisation paper in influence, “A theory of
optimum currency areas”. He worried that a flexible exchange rate
wouldn’t do much for Canada, both because the economic bases of the
country’s east and west were so different and because, he argued, they
didn’t constitute a single labour market. This led naturally to the idea
that factor mobility is a key determinant of whether or not nations
should have their own currencies and/or allow their currencies to float.
So, Mundell in effect used Canadian experience to motivate questions
about how open-economy macroeconomics would work in a world where
markets were being freed up. What did we learn from his answers?....
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