EU integration has been propelled by both treaty change and improvised action. To continue to adapt and respond in this era of crises, the union should adopt limited treaty amendments that implement the conclusions reached at the Conference on the Future of Europe.
After the recent conclusion of the
Conference on the Future of Europe, the EU is facing a decision about
whether to launch a reform of the EU treaty, the first such effort since
the Lisbon Treaty entered into force in 2009. While the European
Parliament is strongly in favor, member states are divided. Several
governments take the view that the EU has shown itself to be resilient
and capable during many tough years of crisis management and does not at
present need structural reforms. But others believe that revisions to
the existing text would make the EU more effective in tackling future
challenges. This article looks into the two dynamics of change in
European integration, the regular treaty reforms of earlier decades and
the crisis-driven improvisation that marked the last thirteen years. It
also suggests a pragmatic approach toward limited treaty amendments as
the most constructive way forward under the difficult circumstances of
today.
The Conference on the Future of Europe
After a year of work, the Conference on
the Future of Europe concluded its business on May 9, 2022. Most
Europeans won’t be aware that it ever happened. In terms of eliciting
the interest of the public, the enterprise has been singularly unlucky.
First, the pandemic delayed and hindered its work; then, the Russian
aggression against Ukraine overshadowed the endgame. A process conceived
to frame the future of European integration thus took place in almost
complete obscurity.
The fact that EU institutions approached
the conference in very different ways did not help. The European
Parliament aimed for an ambitious deepening of integration similar to
the constitutional convention of 2002–2003. From the parliament’s point
of view, the conference’s recommendations should be implemented through
new legislation as well as through treaty change. By contrast, the
Council of Ministers wished to avoid a reform dynamic that would be hard
to control and made clear that the conference did not imply treaty
change. The European Commission, for its part, emphasized the citizens’
panels and the digital platform as innovative instruments to enhance
citizen participation in EU politics.
In actual fact, the four citizens’ panels,
made up of 200 randomly chosen citizens each, turned out to be the
centerpiece of the conference. The selected citizens showed impressive
engagement in deliberating on topics ranging from health, climate, and
social policy to migration and foreign policy. Given the extremely broad
subjects and the narrow time frame (just three two-day sessions per
panel), the process fell short of real deliberative democracy,
which ideally should involve citizens carefully weighing options and
converging toward broadly acceptable solutions to difficult problems.
Instead, the citizens drafted lists of recommendations for future EU
action. During the latter part of the conference, the plenary and its
working groups filtered and repackaged these recommendations into a document with forty-nine proposals encompassing more than 300 measures.
Carnegie
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