Berlin’s pursuit of economic and political ties with Beijing and Moscow has created dangerous dependencies. A change in strategy would benefit both Germany and the EU.
As if the German government needed to be reminded of the high price of its dependence on Russia and China.
Over the years, these two authoritarian
regimes embedded themselves in the German economy and ingratiated
themselves with the elites. Such developments prevented the EU from
forging a coherent, critical strategy toward both Moscow and Beijing.
Dempsey is a nonresident senior fellow at Carnegie Europe and editor in chief of Strategic Europe.
The union is now conducting major
political and economic reassessments of its relations with Russia and
China. But what about Germany, Europe’s biggest economy?
Over the decades, regardless of whether
the Social Democrats or the Christian Democrats were in government, both
parties consistently pursued economic and political relationships with
Russia and China. This pursuit was based on national, not European
interests. It was motivated by profit, not values or principles. These
policies were also naively based on the idea that closer trade and
economic ties would lead to stability, even trust.
The big question is whether Russia’s
brutal war against Ukraine that began in February 2022 and China’s
relentless authoritarian drive under Xi Jinping, expected to be
confirmed this week at the Communist Party’s congress, will fundamentally change the view from Berlin.
It should, for anyone reading an account of a German parliamentary hearing
that took place on October 17 with the presidents of the Federal
Intelligence Service (BND), the Federal Office for the Protection of the
Constitution (BfV) and the Military Counterintelligence Service (MAD).
The three agencies had warned, even before
Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014, of President Vladimir
Putin’s use of violence and force to achieve his goals.
MAD President Martina Rosenberg said she warned
about Russia’s cyber attacks, about drones repeatedly flying over
Bundeswehr sites where military trainings were taking place, about
spying on the defense industry, about disinformation campaigns inside
the armed forces. China, she added, was extremely active in these areas
too.
So why didn’t the government react to such potential destabilizing interferences?
BND President Bruno Kahl said
his reports on Putin’s propensity for violence had always been “quite
unreserved.” But, he added, there was the tendency of “politicians and
the public to prefer to trust a positive spin.”
Thomas Haldenwang, BfV president, described
how Russia uses all channels of spreading false news, attributed to
“democracy-destroying relevance.” And in Germany, Russia is helped by
pro-Russian “influencers” and “active politicians with particular
closeness to Russia, some of whom spread Russian propaganda in the
German Bundestag – out of deep conviction or because there’s money in
it.”
Indeed, on October 16, the interior minister sacked Arne Schönbohm,
who since 2016 was head of the Federal Office for Information Security,
the cybersecurity agency. Allegedly he had links with Russian
intelligence services.
The top three security and intelligence officials didn’t pull any punches over China either.
Kahl warned
about a considerable threat from an “autocratic China rising to become a
global power.” He said business, society, and politics in Germany have
also been too trusting and “painfully dependent” on a power that
“suddenly no longer seems well-disposed.”
All three officials said
they had been trying to “raise awareness in the business community”
about China’s intentions. The influential Federation of German
Industries broke ground in 2019 by writing a critical report
on China and how German industry had to understand the consequences of
becoming so dependent on China for exports and certain commodities.
However, Kahl said, there is still “a lot of trust and naivete… that is
not appropriate.”...
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