After a decade of crises in Europe, historic decisions were taken at the EU and NATO summits to strengthen the continent. To overcome today’s challenges, Brussels must confront the causes of its paralysis in the 2010s
“Europe will be forged in crisis” must be
the most frequently used and abused Jean Monnet quotation about European
integration. Brussels-based EU observers have heard it time and again
as the continent somersaulted from crisis to crisis.
In 2008 Russia invaded Georgia and the
eurozone crisis started. In 2015–16 the EU seemed on the brink of
collapsing under the weight of refugees seeking protection from
conflict, the British vote to leave the EU, and the election of a
viscerally anti-European U.S. president. Throughout, governments
trembled at every election, fearful of being swept away by a populist
wave.
Rosa Balfour is
director of Carnegie Europe. Her fields of expertise include European
politics, institutions, and foreign and security policy.
Yet very little was forged. “Muddling
through” became the norm throughout the 2010s. The reasons for which the
EU was unable to better address its crises were brushed under the
carpet.
The combined force of the coronavirus pandemic and the war in Europe seems to usher in a historical turn: a Zeitenwende, as the German Chancellor Olaf Scholz put it, a Hamiltonian moment, and a “geopolitical awakening”—the rhetoric of EU leaders is rather repetitive.
The promise of enlargement to Ukraine,
Moldova, and Georgia will require a commitment to build a stronger and
deeper union where a geopolitical choice is melded to democratic reform.
Treaty reform—a taboo idea since the Lisbon Treaty entered into force—has even been mentioned by a few leaders and called for by the citizen conclusions of the Conference on the Future of Europe. But will the EU live up to this?
War fatigue and inflation are likely
clouds on the horizon of European unity and purpose, instigated by the
Russian invasion of Ukraine. To deal with the present crisis and to
avoid further turmoil, the EU needs to address the three major
weaknesses exposed by the decade of muddling through.
The first was the lack of economic
convergence between the European core and periphery, which created a
rift between those advocating for fiscal austerity and those in favour
of more burden sharing in the eurozone.
The pandemic swept away austerity politics
and EU leaders broke eurozone rules when they agreed to the
NextGenerationEU back in 2020. This is a work in progress, but advances have been made.
The second was divergences in threat
perceptions, with Russia as the most divisive issue for Europe’s foreign
policy historically. Deep strategic divisions on European foreign and
security policy have held back the development of the EU’s international
posture.
The remarkable array of decisions that EU
leaders have taken since Russia invaded Ukraine is closing that gap,
even if wrinkles remain between the member states; Paris and Warsaw, for
example, have differing emphases on European strategic autonomy and
NATO. Admittedly, leadership of the response to the war has come from
Washington, but the EU too has taken bold steps that will shape its
future, with the Strategic Compass, energy diversification, and a wide range of economic and financial tools....
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