The European Union recovery fund could greatly increase the stability of the bloc and its monetary union. But the fund needs clearer objectives, sustainable growth criteria and close monitoring so that spending achieves its goals and is free of corruption.
In late July, the European Council created
the European Union recovery fund, a major new policy instrument that
could substantially increase the stability of the EU and its monetary
union, and under which the bloc will for the first time borrow and pay
out large sums as grants. But the Council deal lacks a clear strategy to
ensure the money boosts inclusive, sustainable growth and avoids
corruption. This gap must be plugged, because the recovery fund will be
delegitimised if wasted. The ongoing negotiations between the European
Parliament, the Commission and the Council (the trialogue) provide an
opportunity for improvement and should focus on three crucial points.
First, the goal needs to be more clearly
stated: providing a boost to Europe’s sustainable growth potential. The
current focus on speedy disbursement suggests policymakers still hope
the EU funds can play a countercyclical role, but this will not work.
The Council wants to commit 70% of the main instrument, the recovery and
resilience fund (RRF), in 2021-2022, but only a quarter of
disbursements are planned for these two years. All EU countries can go
to the markets to borrow and it is national budgets that can and should
be used to support economies reeling under the immediate effects of the
pandemic. EU funds, meanwhile, should be part of a medium-term strategy
clearly focussed on quality spending. This will provide some protection
against the permanent damage to Europe’s growth potential COVID-19 is
likely to leave in its wake. The EU funds should thus be about
medium-term growth objectives and not countercyclical fiscal policy.
The second question then is how to achieve
quality spending that would boost sustainable growth. The European
Council conclusions from July include some vague statements about
linking EU funds to the European Semester, the EU’s annual process to
steer member states towards inclusive and sustainable growth and digital
transformation. But the European Semester has proven to be a rather
ineffective bureaucratic process that EU countries too often disregard.
It is easy to see how such a bureaucratic
process will trigger a bottom-up approach driven by special interests in
EU countries. in which spending plans are labelled, as requested by the
European Commission, “green, social and digital.” Plans will
be sent to Brussels and result in large pay-outs with little benefits.
While the design of the recovery fund, with its predominant focus on the
RRF, puts national governments in charge, clear conditions are still
crucial for sustainable growth goals to be achieved. A recent study proposes
the use of recovery funds for major structural reforms, such as in the
education system, public administration efficiency and climate goals.
The new EU funding is a unique opportunity to provide the ‘carrot’ for
genuine structural reforms.
Quality spending requires good governance.
The third issue is therefore monitoring so that spending achieves its
goals and is free of corruption. Unfortunately, EU funding has a mixed record of avoiding corruption. Meanwhile, academic work has
confirmed that the vast amounts of common agricultural policy funds do
not achieve Europe’s green goals despite repeated claims to the
opposite. The current governance of EU funds can be regarded as
unsuitable for achieving stated political goals.
The European Parliament rightly insists on
a strong say. A better ‘red-card’ procedure to stop pay-outs in case
money does not achieve the political ambitions is needed. The currently
proposed process foresees the Commission asking for opinions from the
Economic and Financial Committee, a group of top finance ministry
officials, on whether political targets of the funds have been achieved.
The committee shall strive for consensus but if one or more countries
disagrees, the matter will be referred to the European Council. But
state secretaries discussing a Commission report will not provide the
accountability necessary for the EU’s biggest borrowing programme. Even
members of the European Council will not challenge their peers unless
there are blatant breaches of agreements.
Instead of intergovernmental debate, real
political accountability is needed to avoid corruption and the failure
to achieve the EU’s political ambitions of green and inclusive growth.
This political accountability should also ensure that the interests of
the EU as a whole are considered. The European Parliament should
therefore insist on receiving regular and detailed reports from the
Commission and should hold hearings with the involved Commissioner to
bring about transparency and public accountability. Moreover, the
Parliament should entrust the European Court of Auditors and the
European corruption watchdog OLAF with constant monitoring of the
spending.
Negotiators should take the time to design a strong governance mechanism. Europe cannot afford to waste its resources.
Breugel
© Bruegel
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