The keynote lectures will address forward-looking issues on the implications of Fintech competition on payment systems, the determinants of the low price-to-book ratios observed in the banking sector, and the challenges to central banking and financial stability created by climate change.
The keynote lectures will
address forward-looking issues on the implications of Fintech
competition on payment systems, the determinants of the low
price-to-book ratios observed in the banking sector, and the challenges
to central banking and financial stability created by climate change.
In these brief remarks I will focus on
the financial stability implications of the outbreak of the current
pandemic. This is of course a topic not explicitly covered in the
sessions of this conference. Last November, when the call for papers was
closed, nobody could have anticipated the events that would then
unfold. But this does not mean that the discussions that will take place
during this event will have no relevance to current financial and
policy developments. On the contrary, many of the topics that will be
covered in this conference - like the pro-cyclicality of loan loss
provisioning requirements, the challenges associated with the rapid
adoption of new technologies in the banking sector, the effects of bank
dividend pay-out policies, or the implications of rising corporate
solvency risk on banks' balance sheets - have been and will continue to
be at the heart of the debate on the policy response to the Covid-19
crisis in the coming months.
The spread of the Covid-19 disease and
the necessary lockdown and social distancing measures adopted to contain
it have triggered a contraction of the global economy of unparalleled
magnitude. The reaction to the uncertainty and risks surrounding the
initial stages of the Covid-19 outbreak led to serious liquidity strains
in global financial markets. The traditional flight-to-quality
behaviour among investors during stress episodes was followed by an
unprecedented "dash for cash" in which even US Treasuries became
illiquid. The lockdown measures adopted in many countries in the
following weeks halted economic activity in several sectors, triggering
massive increases in (observed and disguised) unemployment and
plummeting corporate sales. Without policy intervention, a credit crunch
would have unfolded and households' and firms' cash shortfalls would
most likely have led to a large wave of defaults.
The prompt and massive response of
monetary and fiscal authorities prevented an immediate liquidity crisis,
which would have had profound economic and financial stability
consequences. Central banks reacted swiftly to market turmoil in March
by deploying a wide array of emergency liquidity facilities and new
asset purchase programmes. Further lending support was also provided
through the introduction of funding facilities for banks conditional on
them granting new loans to the real economy. Most governments introduced
measures to assuage firms' and households' liquidity needs, such as
debt moratoriums and temporary lay-off assistance, and to facilitate
their access to new financing, such as loan guarantee programmes. Bank
supervisors in turn used the flexibilities embedded in Basel III
regulation and accounting standards to increase banks' headroom to
absorb losses and continue financing the economy.
The policy response has been effective in
achieving its short-term objectives. Markets have stabilised. Credit is
flowing to firms and households, sustained to a large extent by
exceptionally generous loan guarantee schemes. Economic activity is
recovering. Growth forecasts have improved slightly, although there is
still substantial uncertainty, driven mostly by the evolution of the
global health crisis.
But, while this crisis is not over, it
has already created some "legacies" of its own, which could threaten
financial stability in the medium term.
First, authorities will soon have to make
difficult decisions about the extension or phasing-out of some lending
support measures. On the one hand, an early removal of lending
support could have a destabilising cliff effect on credit supply
conditions, holding back the pace of economic recovery. Even viable
firms, especially those with high leverage, could face credit rationing
problems. On the other hand, the extension of support measures could
give rise to an undesirable allocation of credit towards unviable firms,
which will eventually weigh on growth prospects. This is a dynamic
trade-off. At the current juncture, where uncertainty is high and
recovery still weak, downside risks from an early removal loom large and
would call for a cautious extension of expiring measures. Going
forward, the appropriate modulation of exit strategies must take careful
account of the evolution of underlying sanitary, economic and financial
developments.
Second, non-financial firms' indebtedness
is expected to increase significantly, giving rise to debt overhang
problems. In the wake of the first stage of the crisis, it had to be
ensured that firms were able to obtain financing to cover cash
shortfalls created by lockdowns. Speed in the delivery of funds to
hundreds of thousands of cash-strapped small firms - as we observed in
Italy - was key. In several jurisdictions this was achieved by designing
policies, such as loan guarantees, that made use of the existing bank
lending "infrastructure". Yet, as corporate revenue losses are unlikely
to be recouped entirely, this bridge financing may lead to a permanent
increase in leverage for some firms. This creates challenges in the
medium term; it could lead to generalised debt overhang problems that
would reduce firms' investment, weaken competitiveness and hamper
economic growth.
Therefore, capital-strengthening measures
by governments to reduce non-financial firms' leverage and increase
their debt servicing capacity seem to be necessary. Several options have
been proposed and, in some countries, already implemented, such as
direct cash transfers, purchase of equity stakes or subordinated debt
instruments by special purpose vehicles with public capital, and fiscal
incentives to favour private equity injections into firms. The
challenges are nevertheless substantial. An efficient use of public
funds calls for the establishment of procedures which effectively
separate, in a fast-moving environment, those firms deserving of support
from the non-viable ones. This will undoubtedly be a demanding task; at
the same time policy measures should be tailored to account for the
differences between the governance of (often very) small firms, mostly
managed by their owners, and larger firms (often joint stock companies),
run by managers on behalf of shareholders. Losses from public
investment in firms' equity should be minimised, if not completely
fended off, while at the same time avoiding excessive and intrusive
interventions in business governance and decisions.
Third, how to ensure the resilience of
the banking system in the face of a likely surge in credit losses is a
crucial question. Banks entered the pandemic crisis with much stronger
capital and liquidity positions than before the global financial crisis,
not least because of the regulatory reforms in the aftermath of the
latter. As a result, there has been some room for supervisory
authorities to release macroprudential buffers and to provide a flexible
interpretation of microprudential requirements, with the aim of
allowing banks to absorb losses and sustain the flow of credit to all
borrowers, including the most vulnerable ones; an important contribution
to banks' resilience has come also from supervisors' recommendations to
abstain from paying out dividends or undertaking share buybacks. As
further credit losses are expected to materialise over the coming
months, several banks have already started to increase their provisions
substantially. A prudent approach to provisioning in the current phase
is certainly desirable. Looking ahead, it is crucial that supervisors
and regulators reach a difficult balance between avoiding pro-cyclical
credit restrictions and maintaining safe and forward-looking risk
management practices.
That said, the scale of the current
crisis could nevertheless require extraordinary interventions in the
banking sector. Banks have to continue to manage non-performing loans
(NPLs) effectively, so that they do not build up in balance sheets,
hindering efforts to strengthen capital and undermining market and
consumer confidence. In Europe there is a discussion around initiatives
aimed at setting up or improving the functioning of special purpose
vehicles focused on the management of NPLs (asset management companies,
or "bad banks"). Proposals that also include the possibility of private
investors participating in the capital of these companies could be
looked upon favourably. Moreover, this unprecedented shock could
potentially have some banks among its victims. Unresolved issues with
the crisis management framework in Europe, then, should be addressed
promptly. This comprises harmonising the liquidation procedures for
small and medium-sized intermediaries, including through the possibility
of using common funds to conduct orderly liquidations, and finalising
the creation of a backstop to the Single Resolution Fund as part of the
crisis management framework.
Finally, we are left with the need to
address the moral hazard, in particular on non-bank financial
intermediation, created by the expectation of a "central bank put". With
the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, investor risk aversion has
increased rapidly, leading to a surging demand for cash and to the exit
from equity and fixed income markets in search of short-term, risk-free
assets. Large price swings have been observed in many asset classes,
volatility has increased enormously and redemptions in open-end funds
have been at record high levels. Central banks have had to introduce
extraordinary asset purchase programmes, special liquidity operations
and US dollar funding facilities to restore market functioning and
maintain the efficient transmission of monetary policy measures. These
interventions have been effective, but the expectation of public
intervention in the event of systemic market disruption could create
moral hazard, and subsequently result in making further disruption
more likely. As a consequence, progress needs to be made to introduce or
reinforce the macroprudential framework for non-bank financial
intermediaries (NBFIs), in particular investment funds and insurers.
Macroprudential stress testing, which aims at identifying possible
transmission channels and feedback effects among financial firms and
markets, is still at a preliminary stage in the non-bank sector. It
could represent a useful tool to assess how shocks originating in
one part of the financial system can spread to other components. Further
NBFI areas that need additional investigation include: minimum
liquidity buffers; rules to reduce structural liquidity transformation;
possible additional requirements for synthetic and traditional leverage;
concentration and interconnectedness.
* * *
To conclude, the extreme macroeconomic
shock triggered by the Covid-19 outbreak is testing the resilience of
the global financial system and the ability of policy makers to respond
to tail events, highlighting the strengths of the current regulatory
framework but also some of its vulnerabilities. It is also accelerating
trends that are likely to reshape the financial industry in the future.
The coming months will be challenging for our societies, and the
following years will see substantial structural transformations. Complex
decisions with far reaching consequences will have to be taken by
authorities and intermediaries all over the world. Experience in the use
of existing policies is growing, but new risks are also emerging.
Research and discussion fora like this conference, in which fresh ideas
and experiences are exchanged among academics and policymakers, will be
ever more important. Therefore, I wish you all two very fruitful and
constructive days of open discussion.
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