Given the asymmetric nature of the COVID-19 shock, fiscal policy is better equipped to implement measures targeted to sectors that are most affected. At the same time, national fiscal responses could be constrained by the national fiscal space in those countries that are most affected.
Therefore, NGEU and SURE clearly complement monetary policy to
reduce market fragmentation. However, they have a different time horizon
than PEPP (especially NGEU) as most of its stimulus will only come into
effect after the end of the pandemic. Thus, for the simple reason of
timing, APP and PEPP will not become redundant as a result of the
creation of NGEU/SURE, but the urgency of using the PEPP’s flexibility
to counter market fragmentation has been reduced.
1. Introduction
It has often been argued that when an
economic crisis happens in the euro area, it ultimately comes down to
the Eurosystem (European Central Bank and national central banks of the
euro area) to act as “policy maker of last resort”, as EU policy makers
are (a) too slow to act, (b) in some cases lack policy space to take
decisive action, and (c) given asymmetric shocks, react without a euro
area/EU-wide perspective. The main obstacle, it has been argued, is that
the euro area (resp. the EU) lacks a central fiscal capacity to take
decisive action. This lack of a fiscal and political union gave rise to
redenomination risks and a sovereign debt crisis, which motivated the
Eurosystem’s SMP (Securities Markets Programme) and OMT (Outright
Monetary Transactions) announcements.2
As the shock induced by the COVID-19
crisis is asymmetric in terms of sectors and countries, fiscal policy is
better equipped to implement targeted measures to sectors that are more
affected. However, the fiscal response may be constrained by national
fiscal space in those countries that are most affected.
With the announcement of the Pandemic
Emergency Purchase Programme (PEPP), the Eurosystem has again provided a
strong policy response. In particular, the embedded flexibility in the
PEPP introduced the innovation of combining two policy aims: first, to
ease further the monetary policy stance in a period of already very low
nominal interest rates, and second, in light of the tail risks
associated with the crisis, to reduce market fragmentation and guarantee
a smooth transmission of the monetary impulse to all jurisdictions by
keeping risk premia in these markets consistent with fundamentally
justified levels, and by stopping intra-euro area capital outflows from
periphery to core (safe-haven) bond markets.
The question arises to what extent the
announcement and, ultimately, establishment of SURE (Support to mitigate
Unemployment Risks in an Emergency) and NGEU3
(Next Generation EU) are game changers for the above narrative. Are
these instruments the long-awaited “central fiscal capacity”, which will
help vulnerable euro area countries absorb asymmetric shocks, thus
taking off pressure from national sovereign debt sustainability concerns
and taking off pressure from the Eurosystem to step in?
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