Richard Cooper, Robert Mundell, and John Williamson made important contributions on a variety of topics in international economics throughout their careers, particularly in terms of how we think about currency arrangements.. reviewing their work and drawing lessons for policymakers today.
A generation of great international economists is passing from the
scene. Richard Cooper died on 23 December 2020. An American, he was
teaching his classes at Harvard until the very end. Robert Mundell,
passed away on 4 April 2021. Originally Canadian; he was a winner of the
Nobel Prize in economics. And John Williamson, on 11 April. Originally
British, he had been the first scholar hired by the Peterson Institute
for International Economics.
All three made important contributions on a variety of topics in
international economics throughout their careers. Interestingly, all
three coined memorable phrases that are still in common use, though not
always as precisely as these scholars had originally intended.
More specifically, all three played roles in the ongoing debate over
the best currency arrangements. Should countries allow their foreign
exchange rates to be determined freely by the private market, floating
as the dollar, yen, pound, and most other major currencies do? Each of
these three economists was unhappy with floating and made proposals for
reform of the system. Should central banks fix their exchange rates, or
even give up their independent currencies entirely, as the individual
members of the euro have done? Or should they do something else?
Williamson and intermediate exchange rate regimes
John Williamson led the ‘something else’ camp. He believed in
intermediate exchange rate regimes, that is, arrangements that give more
flexibility than fixed rates but are more stable than free floating
(Williamson 2000). Intermediate regimes are viable ways to achieve
some degree of partial exchange rate stability together with some
degree of partial monetary independence (Frankel 2012). Contrary to
common mis-interpretations of Mundell’s ‘Impossible Trinity’, this is
true even for countries fully open to international capital flows
(Fischer 2008).
One intermediate regime is a ‘crawling peg’, a phrase that Williamson
contributed to the lexicon of international monetary economics in 1965
(Williamson 1981). Under this arrangement, especially popular in Latin
America in the 1980s and early 1990s, countries decided to live with
inflation by undertaking monthly mini-devaluations that kept their
producers’ price-competitive on world markets. Even today, some
developing countries like Nicaragua continue to use the crawling peg
(Ilzetzki et al. 2019).
Williamson also championed another intermediate regime, the target
zone, under which countries keep their exchange rates within
pre-specified bands. He repeatedly refined and updated his proposals to
apply the target zone even to the dollar, euro, yen, and other major
currencies (Williamson 1987, 1994). In 1987, at the time of the Louvre
Accord, a ‘reference range’ version of this proposal was secretly
adopted by the G7 (Frankel 1990). But it was short-lived.
These intermediate exchange rate arrangements found their greatest
popularity among emerging markets. Many of these countries mixed and
matched Williamson features, falling under the rubric of
Band-Basket-Crawl (or ‘BBC’) (Williamson 2001). Botswana and Singapore
still do so today (IMF 2020).
Williamson’s greatest claim to fame stemmed from another expression
that he coined, in 1989: the ‘Washington Consensus’ (Williamson 1993).
He listed ten economic policies for developing countries that he judged
had the support of the IMF, World Bank, and US administrations.
He utterly lost control of his own invention, however. He had
explicitly excluded one item from the list: the removal of financial
controls. While pursuing the goal of keeping developing-country exchange
rates competitive, he said, “there is relatively little support for the
notion that liberalization of international capital flows is a priority
objective”. Many subsequently would talk about the ‘Washington
Consensus’, but most of them assumed that it entailed the opposite, the
free movement of capital, typically in eager attacks on perceived
‘neoliberalism’.
Cooper, cooperation, and currencies
Richard Cooper can be judged to have favoured fixed exchange rates
(Frankel 2020, Cooper 1999). His 1971 paper pointed out the adverse
balance sheet effect that devaluation can have in developing economies
(Cooper 1971).
Further, he predicted that business would eventually find the high
volatility of floating rates ‘intolerable’. In 1984, he made an
uncharacteristically radical proposal for “the creation of a common
currency for all of the industrial democracies,” beginning with the US,
Europe, and Japan (Cooper 1984). To be sure, he emphasised that his plan
was only a vision for the long term. But his notion of the long term
was the 21st century. We are here. Yet the political appetite in each
part of the world for giving up this sort of national sovereignty is
even more miniscule now than it was when he made the proposal.
Perhaps Cooper was unrealistically optimistic about the practical
prospects for international coordination in general. He had started the
academic field of international macroeconomic interdependence and
cooperation, while avoiding the use of game theory, which later came to
dominate the field (Cooper 1968, 1969, 1985; Frankel 2015).
But he drew practical lessons from the history of international
cooperation in fighting contagious diseases, an especially relevant
example today (Cooper 2001)). And, after all, he had accomplished the
rare feat of taking his scholarly contributions and helping put them
into practice on the world stage, as US Under Secretary of State for
Economic Affairs in the Carter Administration (1977-1981). The most
salient example was the 1978 Bonn Summit of G7 leaders, in which Cooper
played an active role (G7 1978). There, Germany and Japan agreed with
the US that the three would act as locomotives simultaneously pulling
the rest of the world economy out of economic stagnation. In the global
economy of 2021, the US and China are the locomotives.
Indeed, Cooper in this episode gave the world the phrase ‘locomotive
theory’, which refers to fiscal expansion that is coordinated across
countries in periods when the global economy is suffering from a
deficiency of demand. The story is that Cooper on a visit to Japan
described the three big economies as ‘engines’ pulling the global train;
the word ‘locomotive’ came from a translation back into English of
coverage in Japanese sources....
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