Ten years after Strategic Europe was launched, the EU, with Germany playing a pivotal role, may finally start acting strategically. It will mean shattering illusions about war, peace, and stability.
When Strategic Europe was founded a decade
ago, the very title of the blog was designed to raise questions about
why the EU could not—but should—do strategy.
There were several reasons why a
prosperous bloc, often basking in a comfort zone despite the arc of
instability in its eastern and southern neighborhoods, avoided acting
strategically.
Dempsey is a nonresident senior fellow at Carnegie Europe and editor in chief of Strategic Europe.
There was no common threat perception
among the member states. There was little effort to defend the rule of
law and uphold an independent judiciary inside the EU itself. There was
no coherent, consistent foreign and security policy
that should have emerged after the Yugoslav Wars of the 1990s. The one
big and enduring success was the enlargement of the EU, aimed at making
Europe whole and united.
More recently, there has been much self-congratulating when the member states agreed an enormous spending fund
so that European economies would recover from the COVID-19 pandemic.
There was also an element of smugness about how it was the EU that was
the leading the way for dealing with climate change. And the bloc even harbored illusions that it was time to develop its own kind of “strategic autonomy.”
The Donald Trump years, so lambasted by
most European governments, created a delusionary notion that the EU
could go it alone in having its own strategic compass, but without understanding what was happening to the West during the post–Cold War era.
Little came of those ambitions related to
autonomy. Germany, led by Chancellor Angela Merkel from 2005 until
November 2021, worked to shape foreign and economic policy to fit Berlin’s own agenda and interests, not Europe’s. Russia and China are cases in point.
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine
on February 24, 2022 has finally shattered Germany’s illusions. Berlin
now faces the immense challenge of making Europe strategically and
politically relevant.
Chancellor Olaf Scholz has already moved
with a speed that has shaken his own Social Democratic Party,
pacifists, pro-Russia factions as well as the political establishment
and the powerful business lobbies.
In a raft of decisions, with the United
States pushing Berlin to discard its sentimental and delusionary beliefs
about the post–Cold War status quo, Scholz tore up a rulebook that made relations with Russia central to Berlin’s economic, energy and foreign policies.
He agreed to send weapons to Ukraine. He supported the exclusion of Russia from the SWIFT international payment system. He halted
the controversial Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline project. As for defense
spending, something which Merkel wasn’t interested in, let alone the
parlous state of the country’s armed forces, Scholz said Germany would now be meeting the NATO target of spending 2 percent of its gross domestic product on defense.
In short, the post–1991 peace dividend and
the reunification of Germany, despite the subsequent wars in
Afghanistan, in Iraq, the turmoil following the Arab Spring of 2011,
didn’t fundamentally lead to a reassessment of Berlin’s role in
Europe—or the West. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has changed all that....
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