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Firstly, we must agree on the orderly withdrawal of the United Kingdom before entering into a discussion about our future relationship and a possible transition period.
The 27 Member States and the European Parliament, led by Antonio Tajani, have from the outset been very clear about what this orderly withdrawal means.
When the moment arrives for the separation that the British have chosen, we must guarantee the rights of European citizens in the UK and British citizens in the EU. We must fulfil our duty to our taxpayers. And we must find a way of maintaining stability and dialogue in Ireland. Trust between the British and the Union depends on it. And trust is absolutely essential.
Early this afternoon I will return to Brussels to resume negotiations. Time is running out. The October European Council wished to maintain the dynamic of the discussions and I share their view. But the time for genuine clarifications is fast approaching.
Secondly, and to lay a proper basis for our future relationship, we must all understand and explain objectively what it means to leave the European Union, the single market and the customs union. These choices have consequences.
It is not possible to be half in and half out of the single market.
It is not possible to end the free movement of persons, while retaining the free movement of goods, services or capital by means of a generalised system of equivalences.
It is not possible to leave the single market and continue to set the rules.
It is not possible to leave the customs union but expect to enjoy frictionless trade with the EU.
The single market is our main economic asset; it is a body of laws, rules and standards that we have chosen jointly – and the UK is well aware of them, since we have decided on them together for the last 44 years – and with which we all comply, together with common institutions and a common court.
There is no reason – and I repeat, no reason – why the single market should be weakened when a Member State leaves.
Thirdly, there will be no future partnership without common rules. There will be no close trade links without a level playing field.
Establishing the rules will not be so easy, because for the first time in negotiations with a non-member country it will be more a matter of managing regulatory divergence than of encouraging convergence.
But these rules are important because they will be one factor in the future debates on ratification of our agreement with the UK in the individual Member States' parliaments and thus, of course, in the Italian Parliament.
And when I hear the US Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross, in London, call on the British to move away from Europe in order to move closer towards others – towards less environmental, health and food regulation, and no doubt financial, tax and social regulation too – I have my doubts.
The United Kingdom has chosen to leave the European Union. Will it also want to distance itself from the European model? That is another matter.
Underlying the European regulatory framework are fundamental societal choices that are dear to us: the social market economy, health protection, food safety, fair and effective financial regulation.
I say this here in Rome where the Treaty that founded this model was signed: we will not allow this regulatory framework to be undermined, along with the rights that it brings for citizens, for consumers, for the environment, for business, for communities. We care about it and we will defend it.
Of course, the UK will still be a European country. But it is for the British to tell us if they are going to adhere to the European model. Their reply is important because it will shape the discussion on our future partnership and the conditions for ratification of that partnership.
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Once we agree to be together, it is another thing to know how to be together and what needs to change in Brussels.
As Jean-Claude Juncker has said, to deal more with the big issues and not so much with the smaller things.
To reform and to correct certain Directives, as we have just done on the posting of workers. This shows that, with political will, we can break even the most persistent deadlock.
To continue to strengthen Economic and Monetary Union. By turning the European stability mechanism into a real European monetary fund. And by one day creating the post of European Minister for Economic and Financial Affairs, like the post of ‘Minister for Foreign Affairs' which Federica Mogherini fills with such conviction.
To build, alongside the Banking Union, a true capital markets union which will prove that the Union has the skills, funds and structures to remain a leading financial centre after the departure of the City.
To continue to build a common European defence the groundwork for which was laid by Romano Prodi in his time. In June the European Commission proposed a European defence fund and permanent structured cooperation.
To continue to build our ‘Global Europe' which already has trade agreements with 60 countries worldwide, and which is preparing to negotiate with Australia and New Zealand.
To build a new partnership between the European Union and Africa, that immense continent which will soon number two billion men and women, with so many challenges and so many opportunities.
To raise the level of our foreign policy ambition. As Italy has often wished, the Union is moving forward. We are strengthening our ability to act together on our borders and sometimes beyond.