The accelerated decrease in the use of cash driven by the Covid-19 pandemic has strengthened the possibility of central banks issuing some pragmatic form of retail CBDC as an improved electronic version of cash... designing CBDCs in such a way that they to reserve financial intermediation.
      
    
    
      This paper discusses how different 
CBDC attributes (anonymity, remuneration, value-added services or caps 
on the holdings) can limit the substitutability between bank deposits 
and CBDCs in different situations.
1. The Covid-19 crisis and the rationale for a retail CBDC
The Covid-19 crisis has brought about a 
number of changes in economic behaviour as a result of the lockdown and 
the need of maintaining social distancing. Two of the most prominent 
changes are the increase in e-commerce transactions and the 
generalization of credit card payments, preferably through contactless 
technology. Both trends have reduced the use of cash as a means of 
payment, generating a certain stigma for banknotes.
These trends happen at a time when there
 is a debate on the possibility of central banks issuing a digital form 
of cash (the so-called central bank digital currencies, CBDCs), which 
would obviously overcome the drawbacks of cash as a disease transmitter 
as well as its limitations in e-commerce, hence the renewed interest on 
CBDCs as a result of the pandemic. The initial debates were mostly 
academic1, but the discussion rapidly moved to the policy arena2. A few central banks are developing pilots on use cases, with Sweden and China as the frontrunners.
Many central banks that analyzed the 
topic over recent years were hesitant to move forward, because of the 
problems related to anonymity and the likely disruption of financial 
intermediation. In very simplistic terms, if kept anonymous CBDCs will 
raise issues of AML related transactions; if identified, they will 
compete with bank deposits and probably disrupt financial intermediation
 as we know it. Furthermore, the accumulation of functions in central 
banks that CBDCs imply may jeopardize their independence, which is 
already under scrutiny. Confronted with this dilemma, many central banks
 decided to keep their projects on hold.
In this context the announcement by 
Facebook of the launch of Libra in June 2019 reignited interest in CBDCs
 for many central banks. The threat of a powerful BigTech issuing a 
stablecoin that may compete with fiat currencies triggered a reaction in
 the central banking community: on the one hand, the authorities raised 
questions on the nature of Libra and its regulatory treatment; and, on 
the other hand, they looked back at plans for CBDCs with a more positive
 attitude. This fresh look at CBDCs was accompanied by a more pragmatic 
approach, with more nuanced proposals that lessen the dilemmas implied 
in the first, more academic proposals. In particular, some of these new 
proposals focus on modalities that rely on public-private partnerships 
rather than full provision by the central bank. There is also increasing
 elaboration on variants that limit the extent of the dilemmas posed by 
anonymity.
All this debate was stimulated by the 
Covid-19 crisis. The stigma of cash, compounded with the above-mentioned
 reasons, is convincing many central banks that they should offer a 
means of payment that links them directly with the population and does 
not rely entirely on private providers. Furthermore, for many countries 
the payments space is dominated by a few foreign international card 
schemes, which is an additional factor, since the Covid crisis raised 
the value of national self-reliance on critical services in the 
authorities’ preferences. It is important to clarify that not all the 
authorities have the same view in this respect. Some of them might not 
see a significant problem in relying on a few foreign credit card 
providers for the retail payments infrastructure, to the extent that 
they are efficient and function according to local regulations. But 
after Covid the number of countries whose authorities are concerned on 
national sovereignty and the importance of preserving a role for the 
central bank in the provision of retail means of payment has probably 
increased3.
One reason mentioned by some central banks4
 for the provision of CBDCs is the need to offer an alternative for 
retail users that do not want or cannot afford to have a payment card, 
or even a bank account. According to this view, it is the obligation of 
the central bank to provide an affordable means of payment that does not
 depend on private firms’ solutions that are costly and may not be 
appropriate for certain segments of the population. Financial inclusion 
considerations are often mentioned in this context. In general, central 
banks also mention the safety and robustness of payments as one of the 
main motivations for issuing CBDCs (see figure).5
Full paper SUERF  Policy Note, Issue No 183 (0.51 MB)"> SUERF  Policy Note, Issue No 183" class="ikonica" width="20" height="20">SUERF  Policy Note, Issue No 183 (0.51 MB)
SUERF  Policy Note, Issue No 183" class="ikonica" width="20" height="20">SUERF  Policy Note, Issue No 183 (0.51 MB)
      
      
      
      
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