The Northern Ireland Protocol is back in the news. Amid renewed threats from the UK government to unilaterally revoke some of its provisions, the Protocol is our regular reminder that Brexit is far from done.
The excitements of recent days provide an opportune moment to assess
where we are with the Brexit insurgency. The leaving of the EU has
clearly not provided any sort of closure to a movement whose animating
zeal was, and remains, formidable, but whose ultimate objectives have
always been opaque.
As for the English Reformation, historians will argue about whether
Brexit was a bottom up or a top-down phenomenon. The evidence does not
suggest that opposition to the European Union was a driving
preoccupation for the majority of the population before the EU
referendum. While a latent Euro-scepticism was certainly prevalent,
Europe was low down the list of popular priorities in the run up to the
2015 general election. But there was undoubtedly a widespread sense of
disaffection and disenfranchisement which found expression in the
campaign to leave the EU.
That is not to disparage the sincerity with which people voted. The
majority were sufficiently turned off by what they saw of the EU to
believe that the UK would be better off out of it. And people wanted the
thing sorted; hence the power of the ‘Get Brexit Done’ slogan in the
2019 general election. But it has always been a minority that lies awake
at night sweating over the threat of the European bogeyman. Most people
have had their Brexit moment and have moved on. Though polling suggests
that few have changed their minds on the way they voted, other
preoccupations now loom larger, not least a cost-of-living crisis.
There is no mass movement to sustain the energy of the Brexit
insurgency. This leaves those who are in the vanguard exposed. Like all
insurgencies, momentum is all. Self-evidently, there can be no going
backwards; the UK has left the EU. Standing still is risky. Brexit, for
all the promises, has had little or no positive impact on the quality of
most people’s lives. Brexit has no answers for the cost-of-living
crisis. Indeed, Brexit has added a unique additional driver of inflation
in the UK, making it the worst in the G7.
So how does the insurgency sustain momentum? The only way is crashing
on forwards. The European Union must still be the enemy, hence the
confrontational approach over the Northern Ireland Protocol. Problems at
the UK/EU border are down to malign action by the EU, not an inevitable
consequence of Brexit. The scope of the insurgency is extended through
the war on woke. The institutions of state that were deemed to have been
less than wholehearted in the Brexit project continue to be excoriated,
from the BBC and Channel 4 to the judges and civil service.
The contortions and contradictions become ever more bizarre. The
Prime Minister lamely excuses his turnabout on the Northern Ireland
Protocol by claiming that he never expected the EU to implement it –
despite having spent the best part of three decades damning the EU for
an excessively rigid interpretation of regulation. A minister travels to
the US with a great wodge of customs papers to demonstrate the
bureaucracy of the Protocol, neglecting to point out that this is the
daily experience of all British businesses exporting to the EU because
of his Brexit. Ministers trumpet new trade deals with Australia and New
Zealand, which together will add little more than 0.08% to UK GDP, while
ignoring the 4% loss of GDP due to Brexit. The minister for Brexit
opportunities delays once again the establishment of full controls on
agri-food products on the UK’s side of the border since now the cost of
taking back control is deemed too great.
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