...in Brussels and London, for those travelling between them, the change of mood with regard to UK-EU relations is palpable, across UK political parties, and within EU institutions. ..
      
    
    
      Scene at the downstairs coffee bar in one of the more anonymous of EU
 buildings in the Schuman quarter of Brussels, two Commission officials,
 and their longstanding contacts, established in the days of UK 
membership. Subject for discussion, how in the event of a change in UK 
government those various plans floated by Keir Starmer or others around 
the Labour Party seeking to make Brexit work could be, basically, made 
to work.
To be clear, this is not the conversation about the UK rejoining the 
EU, or about a Customs Union or Single Market. For now, those involved 
on both sides understand this to be unrealistic. That’s not just about 
the politics, but also that for all the bravado that can come to both 
the EU and UK, it is well understood by the experienced folk on both 
sides that this relationship has not gone well since 2016, and that the 
pathway to better is a fraught one.
Nonetheless, in Brussels and London, for those travelling between 
them, the change of mood with regard to UK-EU relations is palpable, 
across UK political parties, and within EU institutions. That scene is 
not a one-off. The reason obviously starts in London, where voices that 
once argued no-deal would be fine, that seek to score political points 
with EU bashing, are clearly in some decline even within the 
Conservative Party. The Sunak government’s commitment to getting a deal 
on the Northern Ireland protocol is real, even if the compromises 
required to do so seem far from understood.
Much more so though, it is the now very real prospect that the UK 
will see its first Labour Prime Minister since 2010 after the next 
election that is sparking a change in sentiment. Two years is too long a
 time in politics for anyone to be taking anything for granted, but 
large opinion poll leads and a Conservative Party evidently running out 
of road raise expectations of change.
Labour’s ties with the EU have long been stronger than those of the 
current government, having stayed part of one of the major continental 
political groupings. There is also no taint in having spent some time in
 Brussels, and party grandees like Peter Mandelson and Baroness Ashton 
doubtless maintain contacts with former Commissioner colleagues and 
senior officials. Beyond the politicians, there are also plenty of 
former UK officials from the days of regular Brussels meetings 
maintaining various networks, hoping to offer them to the likely next 
government.
On the European side, with plenty of folk across institutions 
recalling encounters with the UK surprisingly fondly given more recent 
events, there is no shortage of potential interlocutors. While formal 
encounters with current UK officials may be prohibited at least in the 
Commission, there is no such restriction on the traditional Brussels 
pastimes of lunch, coffee, or receptions. The purpose might be to learn 
of what is likely to happen in the UK, what the EU might be able to 
offer, or who may be involved, in other words the classic information 
broking so crucial to EU functioning.
Though diminished, further support is available from the wider UK 
community in Brussels, beyond the formal diplomats. There are the 
devolved governments of Wales, Northern Ireland, and Scotland, business 
representatives, remaining nationals in the institutions, think-tankers,
 lobby groups, journalists, and so on, all with their own agendas and 
contacts, and many hoping in the future for closer relations of some 
sort. They may also be the ones most likely to be offering cautionary 
notes, for such a path is likely to be far from easy.
That there will be no special deals offered to the UK is well 
understood at least by those who have spent serious times in Brussels, 
but possibly not in London across the political spectrum. By contrast, 
persistent hopes around the EU that the UK will in the near future seek 
some formal structure beyond the Trade and Cooperation Agreement do not 
really reflect the London debate as it stands, particularly given 
halfway houses such as the single market never really took off as 
options. An awkwardness may then be introduced into conversations as 
another country is introduced, namely Switzerland, as in the EU’s 
reluctance to have another similarly messy relationship...
More at EU-UK Forum
      
      
      
      
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