Luigi Scazzieri examines the result of the Italian general election and sets out what the victory of Giorgia Meloni and the right-wing Brothers of Italy party means for Italy and for Europe.
Italy’s election on Sunday had one clear winner:
Giorgia Meloni, the leader of the right-wing Brothers of Italy. Meloni
won 26% of votes, with Brothers of Italy becoming the country’s largest
political force. Meloni is now set to become Italy’s first female prime
minister, leading a coalition government together with Matteo Salvini’s
League and former prime minister Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia.
The right-wing coalition won because Brothers of Italy, the League
and Forza Italia managed to forge a common platform, while their
opponents ran divided. As a result, the right-wing coalition won the
overwhelming majority of the 1/3 of parliamentary seats that are
distributed on a first past the post basis. Within the right-wing
coalition, Meloni’s success is due to her nationalist rhetoric,
conservative agenda and her own charisma, which allowed her to appeal to
many citizens. Brothers of Italy also benefitted from having been in
opposition for the past decade, unlike all other major parties, and
therefore has not had to make unpopular choices.
Italy’s European and international partners are concerned about what a Meloni-led government might mean for Italy’s economy,
for the sustainability of its debt (which stands at over 150 per cent
of GDP) and for Italy’s relations with its EU partners. Salvini and
Meloni’s admiration for Putin also makes observers fret that a
right-wing government might go soft on Russia. And, given Salvini’s
populism and Meloni’s background in the neo-fascist Italian Social
Movement, there are concerns that Italy could become a disruptive EU
member like Poland or Hungary.
But Meloni is likely to govern more moderately than many observers
fear. In economic policy, her room for manoeuvre will be limited. The
right-wing coalition promised tax cuts and more social spending, like
higher pensions and benefits for families. But Italy cannot afford to
implement these promises, as a loose fiscal policy would lead to higher
borrowing costs and could spark a financial crisis. The government will
have to scale back most of its spending promises. If it looked like it
might implement them, borrowing costs would shoot up amid market fears
that the ECB could stop buying Italian government bonds – and this would
almost certainly prompt the government to step back from the brink.
A right-wing government will also not want to lose access to the €192
billion from the EU recovery fund that Italy is entitled to. It will
face a strong incentive to continue with reforms begun by former prime
minster Mario Draghi, as disbursements from the fund are conditional on
reforms being fully implemented. Even so, there could be substantial
disagreements between the Italian government and the European Commission
over whether reforms have been fully implemented.
The election result in Italy will strengthen the right-wing bloc in
the EU. But that bloc remains divided on many issues from migration to
policy towards Russia. And Italy may not be a full-time member of it
either. A Meloni government would want to look more assertive in its
dealings with the EU, and there will be turbulence in relations. But
Italy is unlikely to seek confrontation for its own sake. The right-wing
coalition’s programme even calls for a stronger Europe on the global
stage and does not mention policies that would quickly lead to a clash
with the EU, and that some right-wing parties had adopted in the past,
like asserting the supremacy of Italian law over EU law.
Still, when it comes to the rule of law and EU institutional reforms,
a right-wing government in Italy will have an impact on EU debates. It
will mean that there is yet another government in the EU that is
unwilling to push Poland and Hungary hard. And a right-wing government
in Rome will not be enthusiastic about institutional reforms of the EU
that appear to dilute national sovereignty, such as the extension of
qualified majority voting in more policy areas, as proposed by Macron and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz. The idea of treaty change will probably be shelved.
When it comes to foreign policy, fears that Italy will tilt away from
the West are misplaced. It is true that Meloni, Salvini and Berlusconi
have all openly admired Putin. Since Putin’s invasion, Salvini has criticised
EU sanctions on Russia, saying that arms prolong the conflict and that
sanctions hurt Europe more than Russia. And the League has had
unexplained dealings with Russia, including close associates of Salvini discussing potential financing with Russian officials. But none of these things mean that Italy will be willing to do Russia any favours....
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