The Dutch government will look back fondly on the Merkel years in Germany, its close ally. But some important divergences did start to appear in the final stages – and may only become more commonplace with the new German government.
Germany
is not only the Netherlands’ most important neighbour and trading
partner but also its most important ally in the EU. The Hague’s close
relationship with Berlin has allowed the Netherlands to punch above its weight
in European politics. The two countries traditionally share similar
views on economic, financial and monetary matters, committed to fiscal
prudence, budget discipline and a rules-based approach to the Economic
and Monetary Union. During the 2010 eurozone crisis, the two partners
worked closely to shape the European response, promoting austerity
measures and structural reforms. The Dutch government not only relies
heavily on its German counterpart to represent its (frugal) interests
during these years. It also counts on the latter – and some of its key
figures, such as former finance minister Wolfgang Schäuble – to take
most of the political heat.
The Dutch government, generally more reserved towards
a further deepening of European integration, could also count itself
fortunate with a German Chancellor who took a very consensual approach
to European integration and did not seem eager to engage
with French President Emmanuel Macron’s ambitious European reform
agenda. In fact, The Hague does not necessarily deem Angela Merkel’s
supposed lack of vision for the EU – an often-heard criticism – a
shortcoming. Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte,
emulating the words of former Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, himself once
said that a vision was like an elephant obstructing one’s view.
The Netherlands, the junior partner
This
is not to say that the two partners always saw eye to eye on EU affairs
during Merkel’s tenure. The Dutch government saw itself side-lined
on several occasions, such as the 2010 Deauville agreement, where
France and Germany bilaterally agreed, among other things, to abandon
automatic sanctions for non-compliance with the Stability and Growth
Pact (SGP). This caused much consternation on the part of the Dutch
government. More recently, in 2020, Germany and France proposed an
ambitious COVID-19 recovery fund, marking the former’s departure from
the ‘Frugal Five’, a collation that strongly resisted attempts at EU
debt mutualisation in the past.
These examples underscore two
important features of the Dutch–German relationship. First, the two
partners do not necessarily share the same sense of duty towards the EU.
As the EU’s most powerful member state and one of the engines of
European integration, Germany feels responsible for not only the
safeguarding of solidity in the EU and eurozone but also the cohesion of
the Union and success of the European project more generally. Second,
while Germany may be the Netherlands’ closest ally in the EU, France, by
default, remains Germany’s closest European partner.
Anticipating divergencies
To
better anticipate potential divergences in European priorities, The
Hague would do well to bear in mind these two features when building a
new relationship with the next German government. After all, such
divergences may well become more common under a traffic-light coalition
of Social Democrats (SPD), Greens and Liberals (FDP). The next German
government will likely reaffirm the ‘shift’ in Germany’s EU policy
that Merkel set in motion in the wake of COVID-19; towards a slightly
less frugal and slightly more reform-minded European policy.
The
SPD’s Olaf Scholz, Germany’s next Chancellor, was one of the drivers
behind the EU recovery fund. During its election campaign, his party
spoke of a paradigm shift towards more solidarity and a fully-fledged
fiscal, economic and social union. The Greens, meanwhile, want to turn
the recovery fund into a permanent instrument and are pushing to reform
the SGP. Although the FDP is more fiscally conservative than its two
future coalition partners – and may well source the next finance
minister –, Germany is not likely to simply return to its ‘ordoliberal
self’ under the next government. The Netherlands will have to come to
terms with this....
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