Brexit is back, but Jill Rutter says it is not clear that the EU is in the market for reducing the economic damage caused by the Johnson-Frost deal
Keir Starmer wants to make Brexit work. Jeremy Hunt thinks trade
barriers can be dismantled over time. The prime minister says he can
sort the Northern Ireland protocol by Easter – though it is still
unclear how, with the latest agreement over veterinary medicines just
seeming to kick long-term solutions further down the road. Tony Blair’s
institute has set out suggestions on an incremental approach to
improving the relationship. Former EU official Andrew Duff is the most
recent to propose a vision of a new bespoke UK-EU relationship, creating
a new category of “affiliate member”.
But it is far from clear that the EU shares this resurgence of interest
in its post-Brexit relationship with the UK, with a welter of its own
issues – Ukraine, energy, trade relations with the US and continuing
internal problems – to deal with. So what are the prospects for a reset?
Some UK government decisions that have made things harder for UK-based
businesses can be reversed unilaterally. For example, the UK government
could allow schoolchildren to cross the border without a passport,
reversing a requirement which has killed the school exchange business.
It could also relieve some labour market shortages by unilaterally
introducing a generous youth mobility scheme and expanding the
agricultural workers scheme.
It is domestic politics alone that dictate whether it takes those options.
The government could remove the risk of ill-thought through or
accidental divergence by dropping the flawed Retained EU Law (Revocation
and Reform) Bill – which sunsets all secondary retained EU law at the
end of 2023 unless ministers act to save or reform it or extend the
deadline. It could also ensure that it does not escalate the arguments
over the Northern Ireland protocol to a point where the EU feels obliged
to retaliate. Similarly, the government could make sure that any
“positive divergence” from EU rules is confined to cases where there is a
clear net benefit to the UK economy.
None of these harm-reducing decisions can be taken for granted. For all
chancellor Jeremy Hunt’s words about reducing barriers, the government
still seems to be moving in the opposite direction.
The government has already made some sensible moves to reduce
unnecessary burdens on UK businesses. Business secretary Grant Shapps
has announced delays to the introduction of the UKCA mark, giving
business more time to continue using the EU mark – a move justified by
the need to avoid extra costs at a time of economic fragility.
The UK government could also allow goods that meet EU standards to
circulate here alongside ones made to UK standards – or update UK
standards in line with EU changes. That would be of benefit to EU
exporters and would relieve UK exporters of the need to meet different
sets of standards for the EU and Northern Ireland.
The problem is that keeping up with the sheer volume of changes in the
EU may be hard and would require primary legislation – an unattractive
prospect for the Sunak government, which is already having to deal with
organised resistance from the backbenches across a range of issues.
If the thawing of relations which some detect goes further, the UK
could try to make more of the mechanisms it has already agreed in order
to make progress. One example would be to try to get further towards the
UK and EU recognising each other’s professional qualifications. The EU
rebuffed the UK’s ask of automatic mutual recognition during the trade
negotiations, so there is no guarantee of success – but at least this
would not require the EU to seek a new mandate for negotiations.
There are also areas where the UK can build good will by cooperating
outside the TCA – action on Ukraine and energy cooperation are notable
cases in point. But such moves will not reduce barriers to UK trade with
the EU.
Institute for Government
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